Has France Lost its Grip on Africa?

12 May 2011

Lee Mwit

The headstone was in place, the epitaph inscribed. Throughout last year, as 17 African countries headily celebrated the 50th anniversary of the parting of ways with their former colonial master, the unanimous view was that France's once considerable influence on the continent was on its deathbed. A number of factors contributed to this perception: The death of the Machiavellian Jacques Foccart, better known "Mr Africa", the demise of former Côte d'Ivoire president Félix Houphouët-Boigny, the 1997 ascent to power of the puritanical premier Lionel Jospin and the emergence of a new breed of younger African leaders contemptible of France's indulgence of dictators.

France's murky role in the events leading to Rwanda's 1994 genocide was seen as further erosion of its image, as did the unease bred in Francophone Africa by the painful devaluation of the CFA Franc that same year. Even Nicolas Sarkozy, on his 2007 election to the French presidency, further embellished the theme, promising that his country would no longer unduly interfere in the affairs of its former African colonies. "Times have changed and it's not up to France to play the gendarme in Africa," he said on a 2008 trip to South Africa, despite Paris having a host of military agreements, defence pacts and bases on the continent. An investigation into the source of millions of dollars in assets held in the country by three long-serving African oligarchs was allowed to go on - additional proof of France's readiness to let Africa run its own show sometimes at the expense of its former stooges. President Ali Bongo Ondimba, whose father was a target of the probe, told Paris.

With the phenomenal inroads made by China into Africa, where it is the continent's biggest trading partner, France was not only being eased out of the continent but also being rejected. In truth, la République Française never really went anywhere. The past six months have shown up as fanciful talk of Paris fading into the twilight. French tanks and gunships dealt the final blow to defiant strongman Laurent Gbagbo, with reports from the deposed Ivorian leader's camp suggesting that French special forces had captured him. "In West Africa, France was never really out of the picture. They have had a military presence in Cote d'Ivoire going back to colonial days, and their current deployment was approved by Ivorian and UN resolutions. An intervention in Cote d'Ivoire was a 'no-brainer' for France," Mark Schroeder, director of sub-Saharan Africa analysis for Texas-based intelligence firm Stratfor said. Sarkozy was also at the forefront of military planning for the ongoing campaign against the Gaddafi regime in Libya.

Action in Libya

Paris was the setting of a decisive March summit of the world's most powerful military nations, which drew up operational details after the United Nations imposed a no-fly zone over Libya. To further drive the point home, the French president, who referred to Muammar Gaddafi as perpetuating "murderous madness" against civilians, authorised the first strikes against the Libyan leader's forces, and has since remained at the helm of the airstrikes. "In Libya, the civilian population, which is demanding the right to choose its own destiny, is in mortal danger. It is our duty to respond to their anguished appeal," stressed Sarkozy.

France was also controversially the first country to recognise the Libyan National Council - the rebels' organisational vehicle - as the country's legitimate government. "Libya was a different scenario. The French did not have pre-positioned forces in the North African country, but Libya was a location French aircraft and ships could reach from the homeland," said Mr Schroeder. "France's intervention in Libya was to demonstrate, particularly to the rest of Europe, and especially Germany, its independent ability to project military force, and to use that sense of confidence to project its influence as a European power that should be recognised," he added.

The signs have all along been there of France's pining for a continued say in African affairs. On January 30, Sarkozy became the first French head of state to address the African Union since 1963, at an Addis Ababa summit where he was also interestingly the guest of honour. He began by soothing the gathered presidents by assuring them of co-operation and support for Africa's bid for a Security Council seat. "France is assuming the weighty responsibility of the presidency of the G8 and G20. I promise to do everything to involve Africa as closely as possible in this double French presidency. I have been convinced for a long time now that Africa hasn't had its rightful place in international governance," he said.

But he would have some of the gathered leaders fidgeting uncomfortably when he expressed support for the revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia, in what he called a "sensitive topic". "France respects the sovereignty of states and the right of peoples to self-determination. She has no desire to lecture, nor to seek to impose a model. By what right could she do so? But there are values that are universal: Those of the United Nations Charter and the Constitutive Act of the African Union. In today's world, one can no longer govern the same way as in the world of yesterday. Either this change is inflicted upon you. or you anticipate and guide it, and it can take place without clashes, without rifts, and without opening the door to all kinds of unpredictable events."

However, it is France's investments on the continent that offer the clearest pointer that it will continue to wield considerable clout. In May last year, some 40 African leaders and 250 business executives attended a two-day summit in the Mediterranean city of Nice meant to deepen economic ties. France already holds the Francophonie summit - its equivalent of the Commonwealth's CHOGM - biennially with all former African colonies a fixture.

In Tunisia, some 1,300 French enterprises straddle the North African country's economy, with French investment in 2009 estimated at $185.5 million, making it the biggest economic partner. In Côte d'Ivoire, an estimated 700 French companies pay half of the West African country's taxes, a situation replicated in up to a dozen other former colonies. Paris, not content with Francophone Africa, has also been aggressively spreading its tentacles to Anglophone countries, with South Africa and Kenya the primary targets.

In Kenya, Premier Raila Odinga has just returned from the French capital with huge energy contracts expected to be drawn up. In 2010, trade between the two countries grew by 10 per cent, with official development body Agence Française de Développement putting up $124 million - 27 per cent of all development aid last year. French companies such as France Telecom and oil giant Total are already major players in the country. Total in October signed a significant $2 billion investment deal in Gabon's petroleum fields. Paris is also the biggest industry investor in Niger's top foreign exchange earner, uranium, through state-owned firm, Areva.

As part of the Gleneagles pledges, France has the biggest aid commitment to Africa as a percentage of G7 gross national incomes, in 2009 translating into $1.19 billion (though that was projected to have fallen to $624 million in 2010, according to One.org, which tracks G8 commitments to the continent). Sarkozy's address in Addis Ababa was unequivocal about France's future engagements with Africa. "We're not as far apart as is believed. Yes, there was colonisation, yes, there are disagreements, but today, geography brings us together. If we want to control migration flows, combat terrorism, we must help you succeed in your economic development. France is convinced of this reality," he said. Sarkozy has already visited Africa at least six times in his first four years in office as he seeks to entrench French interests.