Western Revisionism of Togolese and African Realities

September 1, 2012

By Juliette Abandokwe

As I was looking for information in English on the anti-government demonstrations in Togo and their repression by Gnassingbe's army since last June, I found almost nothing, except this!

Togo Civil War 1991-1992 (http://www.onwar.com/aced/data/tango/togo1991.htm)

The disclosure (April 1991) of killings allegedly by security forces set off huge, violent demonstrations against the military-controlled government of President Gnassingbe Eyadema (1937-) of Togo (formerly French Togoland), on the south coast of West Africa. Under much public pressure for democratization, Eyadema then legalized opposition political parties and was forced (due to a general strike) to convene a national conference, attended by both military and civilian representatives (July-August 1991). Soldiers failed to halt the conference, which declared itself sovereign; civilians formed a governing council, with free multiparty elections set for 1992 (later postponed). At the conference, militant troops invaded but withdrew through a show of civilian strength. Eyadema remained nominally president, and his loyal troops later (October 1992) occupied the National Assembly building in Lomé, the capital, holding civilian legislators hostage until they agreed to unfreeze the assets of Eyadema's party, the Rally of the Togolese People. Pro-Eyadema forces later attacked and killed opposition leaders, pro-democracy demonstrators, and dissident soldiers and others (1993-94), securing President Eyadema's hold on Togo's government.

My unique question rose immediately….

How can violent repression of a people by the "security forces" of an illegal military controlled government be called a "civil war", if not by western media!?

The same may be happening again these next days in Togo. 

The people of Togo have been putting up with the Gnassingbé family's tyranny since 1963.

After having succeeded to pay off his country's foreign debt, Sylvanus Olympio, first President of "independent" Togo, was murdered in January 1963 by Etienne Gnassingbé Eyadema (backed up by France, "Friend of Togo") who remained in power until his death in 2004. His repressive regime has probably been among the most brutal in sub-Saharan Africa.

After a few months of illegal leadership, then legalised by rigged elections in April 2005 (again backed up by France, the everlasting "Friend of Togo"), his son Faure Gnassingbé gracefully took over, turning Togo into a internationally recognised monarchy, and who is today desperately trying to keep up with his second « France-friendly » mandate .  

Since 12 June 2012, the "Save Togo" movement ("Sauvons le Togo") has succeeded in peacefully mobilizing thousands of Togolese, who are demanding self-determination, respect for non-amended Constitution, end of repression and of looting of public funds and resources, as well as access to their basic human rights; Togolese people are globally claiming the end of clan-based tyranny of the Gnassingbé monarchy.

But phobia of demonstrations by the regime is congenital in Togo, as in other places in Africa, and the army has been out since the very beginning of the demonstrations, wearing brand new outfits and super modern helmets, intimidating, beating up, arbitrarily arresting youth, and terrorising the population with teargas and gunning. 

But the Togolese have had enough for some time now, and resistance has been very active since 2005. They have understood the power of mass-mobilisation and images. Behaviour and arrests by the army are filmed and photographed by many equipped citizen observers. When youth are arrested and hauled into army trucks, their co-citizens share their burden and do all they can to trace them into security force premises. The institutionalised kidnapping of those who are the hope of a whole Nation, will no doubt end up with beatings and torture, far from public eyes. They will then be doubtlessly released and will tell their co-citizens how they were treated.

Will such reports be sufficient for people who have heard and gone through the same things for 49 long years, to hold up future demonstrations? Do they really still have something to lose? Nothing is less certain.

We unfortunately also all know that France, indefectible "Friend of Togo", can never accept self-determination in "sovereign and independent" Togoland. We have seen it before, as we talk of the traditional model of French neocolonial Africa.

In the meantime, we are all watching the people of Togo daily on YouTube and elsewhere on the net, admiring the courage and determination, wishing so hard that they will somehow win over Tyranny and Evil. We all wish their efforts will also encourage youth in other parts of Africa, in other democratic France-friendly tyrannies, like Gabon, Congo, Chad, Cameroon, Central African Republic, and a few others we sometimes know nothing much about. All these nations were gracefully granted “independence” in 1960 by a brutal colonizer who pretended he was leaving, but who in reality never left.  Some of those countries suffered major population losses, such as Cameroon for example in a hidden and brutal independence war, where “enemies of the Nation” (and of friendly France of course), where still hunted down by the French “military cooperation”, and executed long after 1960. The responsibility of France in locally well-known war crimes has been witnessed by many, even by French pilots who took part in the dropping of napalm bombs on hundreds of villages, killing up to 500 000 thousand villagers.  

French crimes against humanity in Africa after independence are numerous and well documented, as well as her implication in the overthrow or murder of many “inconvenient” presidents and opposition leaders. The systematic support of France and her allies in the rigging of elections in countries where leaders have been trained and financed for the sake and up-keep of French economic interests is well-known by all. French neocolonialism through total control of the monetary system (CFA franc), local power and land possession of French industrial empires (Bolloré, Bouygues, Areva, etc.) using African resources exclusively for their own economic development, having politically eliminated all sources of obstruction, as well as profiting and implicitly encouraging local impunity in terms of labour regulations and human rights. All former French colonies have stepped into the same neocolonial pattern, and suffer from the same pack of gross abuse and violation, witnessed by a silent and complicit western international community.

In fact, who cares about powerless Africa? Actually the longer it remains powerless, the more profit will be made from it. Basically, the West cannot strategically be interested by any form of emancipation in Africa. Anything that looks like people’s empowerment must thus be undermined, in a spirit of infantilisation of any effort to grow out of what is just simply modern slavery. This is where very efficient revisionist media come in. The transformation of reality in the field is systematic.

So this is how western media ends up claiming that the people’s upheaval in Togo is in fact a civil war, or a tribal based war like in Democratic Republic of Congo or elsewhere, ignoring the fact that the pro-dictator people are often a minority of sometimes remunerated people from the same clan or tribe.

Defining the claim of a people to self-determination as a civil war, justifies in the eyes of France and its western economic partners the victory of the stronger part on the weaker part, which in turn allows them to validate repression against the weaker part, i.e. the unarmed civilian population.

We have seen several upheavals in France-controlled Sub-Saharan Africa these last five years, and most of them ended up in a bloodbath and/or in massive arrests of youth. Western media was always there to transform the protestors into looters, disorganised agitators, delinquent jobless people, and so on. In spite of many official reports on wide-spread human rights abuses, ranging from arbitrary arrests and detention, extra-judicial killing and so forth, the crimes have mostly ended up by being forgotten about or undermined in a spirit of implicit disqualification and institutionalised negrophobia.

So to come back to Togo, let’s continue watching the scene these next days and weeks, and let us be aware of the risk of qualification of the Togolese sentiment of “Too much is too much” as a fabricated civil war or other western revisionist phenomenon.

As for the African diaspora in Europe and in the United States, a special and continuous effort could be made to inform European and American people about what is really going on in Africa. Crimes in one part of the world should be known in all parts of the world. Then nobody can later say they did not know.  The capacity of thought of any individual in a country where freedom of opinion is the rule, can induce protest and pressure on Government if the person thinks that what is being done by Government is wrong. Thus, the decision between universal good or bad is the responsibility of every individual.

We all know by now that the power of the people, i.e. the sum up of a majority of conscious individuals is what represents ultimate power. 

The Writer Enoh Meyomesse Said to be in Yaounde for Military Trial

22 December 2011

By Patrick Sianne

I met and had my very first converstaion with this very affable Francophone gentleman, rare in this bicultural Cameroon society, it was not even one month upon my sudden return from China last year, October, 2011.

We met at a send-off party for the then out-going country direct of the German Friedrich-Herbert foundation based in Bastos, Yaounde.

During that maiden encounter, I remember he hurried to present the grudge he was carrying in his belly against the minority Anglophone community in Cameroon. And the gripe was that even though he had written a both detailing their woes and has taken the courage to precribe solutions to the Anglophone Minority Problem in the country even against the heavily mounted resistance of the ruling Beti clan, his clan, the main Anglophone elite have been shunning him and his book to the extent that just one copy of the booklet has been bought thus far and he was not given a chance and even debarred from attending an All Anglophone conference in Buea, to make himself heard on this burning and controversial Cameroon problem.

We joked on the contradiction here entailed: that victims of a plight to refuse to give an ear to a benefactor who is convinced he is coming to help lighten their burden.

To cut this long introduction short we took an appointment and Enoh appreared with many copies of his pamphlet that I helped to retail with relative ease to the Anglophes I know and for which he was so greatful that he even offered me a bonus and discount for doing such a great job at distribution.

It was large because he then understook my inroads with books and literary matters from then onwards and because he saw how determined and advanced I was with the book I was then still on the writing-draft phase on my trip and travail in the Far East (China: My Regrets, My Fears--- A Rising Mirage for Black Africa), it was for these reasons and others that this very soft-spoken man of mid-fifties or nearly sixty decided to make of me the Vice-President of the organizing committee of a three-day national conference of Cameroon writers of both the English and French Expresses that the Biya government did everything in its capacity to sabotage late last year; even though Enow still managed to stage something that did not represent the full motions we all had bargained for.

The Yaounde regime, fearful of this its very son of the Centre-South, South indeed, just did not want to see this guy take the limelight on anything this spectacular, even though strictly cultural; even though Enoh had tried to use the habiyual ruse of placing the even "Under the Patronage of His Excellency Paul Biya, President of the Republic of Cameroon" and even though he had insisted that this was to be as part of the on-going official activities marking the 50th anniversary of the republic.

As I gathered during that moment when I was closing working with him gearing up for the Literary Show that wasn't finally, Enoh has for long then before been blackmailed by the Yaounde regime, especially when he is said to have made an audio recording announcing the toppling of the Biya regime for which he was arrested and tormented for plotting a coup d'etat.

And then again sometime during this dying year while the political feud was going on in the Cote d'Ivoire between Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouatara, he was picked up again at the Douala airport, passport seized and he was detained again for a few days for unannounced reasons. What filtered through during that particular arrest is that as supporter of Laurent Gbagbo, and as a true anti-Imperialist and true PanAfricanist he was about to fly to the Cote d'Ivoire to voice his stance when the Biya cabal opted to nip his effort at the bud stage by picking him up at point of departure.

Since then, I tried without efforts again to reach him personally for a one-to-one. We had just a few meagre phone conversations and even the few times he made firm commitments to come see me at my residence around the Yaounde Prefecture proved to be furtile. I afterwards gave up on looking for him, for my instincts gave me a hunch as to why he may be trying to avoid meeting me: As we was so ardent and public in his support for Laurent Gbagbo, so too did he come to learn through our common sources and middlemen and women that I too was a fire rod in the opposing camp selling the stakes for Alassane Ouatara. This looked like the Cameroonian version of the love-hate opposition that is reported in the Ivorian drama fixing Soro Gillaume (Pro-Ouatara) and Blaise Blegoude (Pro-Gbagbo).

Perhaps for this last reason in particular, Enoh and Sianne stayed apart for this long. Even the presidential elections of October 9, where I was suurprised to learn via the press that he is one of the initial 51 or so applicants did not happen to bring us together, even though phone conversation alone. This, even though both of us are ardent believer that Biya Must Go. I was personally surprised that he put forward his candidature and never consulted with me before, during or even after the whole process of the reckless Decision 2011, the fake Cameroon Presidential Election that Biya roganized to win and won the way very few are satisfied with.

Of course therefore that Enoh was one of the disgruntled Cameroonians that that bogus pull. But such frustrations are not the things in my opinion that should lead him to do the things whatever they be that this wicked regime is using to give this noble birth of the South some much trouble of late.

One of our common friend, whose name I prefer withholding for she is a prominent national political player told me just this afternoon that they government forces have brought Enoh from the hole they were holding him in the distant East Region to Yaounde where he is expected to be judged in a military tribunal. Confirming reports via this face book mails also affirm that Enoh was spotted this afternoon being taking into and out of the Yaounde Military tribunal.

As a personal acquaintance and a sweet character to deal with I am still at a loss about what he may have done so bad this time around for his torment to be getting bigger than usual from the hand of this government that hates him and knows Enoh also hates the government back with equal or even hogher vehemence.

Tomorrow or soon after, we may get to the belly of the true story that may still what to see as just an attempt of this wicked regime to get even with this other critical artist like it did with Lapiro de Mbanga, using the pretext or cover of the 2008 nation food riot to lock him up in a tight hole at the Douala New Bell prison for several years, for crimes that the Mbanga-based musician said to me during a recent interview in his home with his wife present and looking at me straight in the eye: "Patrick Sianne, je n'ai rien fait de ce genre donc ce régime m'accuse. Le dossier est bien preparé, bien avancé, et on attend le bon moment pour te le mettre sur le dos. C'est fabriqué de toutes pièces!"

I smell a rat here, as same as with the Lapiro file.

Democracy Without Technology is Void

December 11, 2011

By Philip Emeagwali

I was born in 1954 in colonial Africa. One of my most cherished mementos from the colony of Nigeria is one of the pennies I received for my school lunch allowance. The coins bore the likeness of Edward VIII, who became King of England on January 20, 1936, and were minted in anticipation of his reign. However, Edward abdicated the throne on December 11th of that year before he could be crowned. He gave up the British kingdom to marry the love of his life, an American divorcee.

In 1960, a typical day in my life began at our compound on Yoruba Road, in Sapele. Our compound was adjacent to the Eagle Club, a night club where I ran errands for music legends, such as master trumpeters E.T. Mensah, Eddy Okonta, and Zeal Onyia. They would give me a penny to buy two sticks of cigarettes and I would bring back their half-penny change.

Some mornings, my mother would give me a penny with the instructions: "Buy rice with a farthing, beans with a farthing, and bring back a half-penny change." When I told this story to my son, Ijeoma, he interrupted, saying, incredulously "Daddy, you can't get change for a penny!" I then show him my souvenir: a British West African central-holed coin, bearing the head of King George V and minted in 1936 with the inscription "one tenth of a penny." The central hole was for stringing the coins together, to carry them. The world has changed greatly since my youth!

Nigeria has existed for 96 years and has been independent for 50 years. Nigerians must look back to the first 46 years, spent under colonial rule, to understand the 50 post-colonial years of their self-rule. Looking backward, like the Sankofa, is a prerequisite for understanding the way forward.

With self-rule came responsibility. We're now being held accountable for our actions and inaction, our coups and corruption, and our civil wars in Biafra, Congo, and Rwanda.

Looking backward 96 years will enable Nigeria to understand when and where it's train derailed and how to put it back on track. I believe our train derailed because, although the 46 pre-independence years were a brain-gain period, the 50 post-independence years have been marked by the largest brain drain since the Atlantic slave trade.

Looking forward 50 years, I foresee that nations delivering information and communication technologies will indirectly rule Africa. I see the cellular phone, the computer, and the internet enabling Africa to replace selection with election. I see the internet enabling citizens to become reporters, decentralizing the media. I see technology enabling freedom of the press and democracy in Africa..

Kwame Nkrumah said, "Socialism without science is void." I say, "Democracy without technology is void."

Winds are Blowing in Equatorial Guinea

November 4, 2011

Source: Human Rights Watch

Concern over politically motivated arrest of opposition member ahead of referendum

The government of Equatorial Guinea should immediately release an opposition party member and civil society activist arrested on November 1, 2011, in what appeared to be a politically motivated act, Human Rights Watch and EG Justice said today. Marcial Abaga Barril, the representative of the main opposition party on the national electoral body, was detained without a warrant outside of his home, allegedly in connection with a murder investigation. 

Abaga's arrest and detention comes just days after the start of campaigning for a Nov. 13 referendum to approve constitutional changes proposed by President Teodoro Obiang's government. Abaga's party has strongly opposed the constitutional changes. Sources close to him said that on the day of his arrest he had been helping to plan a series of public events to press for a "no" vote on the referendum. 

"Marcial Abaga's politically motivated arrest is yet another example of President Obiang's offensive against opposition voices," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "The allegation that Abaga is connected with a murder simply has no credibility." 

The Obiang government has sought to silence those opposed to the referendum. Uniformed police officers and others in plainclothes disrupted events held this week by Abaga's party, Convergence for Social Democracy (Convergencia Para la Democracia Social, CPDS), and forced the participants to disperse, a witness told EG Justice, a US-based group that works for human rights and the rule of law in Equatorial Guinea. 

Abaga is on the party's national executive committee. It is one of only two political parties in the country that are independent of the governing party. He is a municipal council member in Malabo and also sits on the National Electoral Commission of Equatorial Guinea as the representative of his party. The electoral body, which is dominated by the ruling Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea (Partido Democrático de Guinea Ecuatorial, PDGE) and representatives of allied parties, lacks the independence necessary to oversee votes impartially, Human Rights Watch and EG Justice said. 

Human Rights Watch and EG Justice emphasized that there is no independent judiciary in Equatorial Guinea. The government commonly carries out arbitrary arrests and denies detainees due process, holding them indefinitely without telling them the charges against them. Basic fair trial standards are disregarded. Torture remains a serious problem despite a national law prohibiting it. Abaga has not reported being ill-treated, according to the sources. 

The constitutional changes coming up for a November 13 vote would potentially allow 69-year-old Obiang to serve for two more terms of seven years each. They also would create a new post for a hand-picked vice president, widely considered to be intended for his eldest son, Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, who is his presumed successor. 

The younger Obiang has been the subject of corruption and money-laundering investigations in France, Spain, and the United States. These investigations have so far led to the seizure of a fleet of luxury vehicles outside his Paris residence and a US government effort to seize more than $70 million in assets. 

In October, the president appointed the younger Obiang, known as Teodorín, to head the ruling party's campaign to promote the referendum. In 2010, Teodorín was made the vice president of the ruling party. 

Equatorial Guinea has been roundly criticized for its conduct of elections. President Obiang was re-elected in November 2009 with 95.4 percent of the vote in an election with weak international monitoring, raising "the suspicion of systematic voting fraud," according to the US State Department. Ahead of the vote, the government stifled and harassed the country's beleaguered political opposition, denied the opposition equal access to the media, and imposed serious constraints on international observers. 

Abaga also is active as the head of a youth organization engaged in human rights education, Sensation of the Young Future (Sensación del Joven Futuro, SEJOF). And he is an advocate for greater transparency about the government's management of oil revenue through participation in the international Publish What You Pay Coalition and the now-defunct National Commission for the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Equatorial Guinea was a candidate country for membership in EITI until 2010, when it was expelled from the initiative. 

Abaga was detained outside his home at approximately 10 p.m. on November 1, by plainclothes security officials who said they were from the police but did not provide an explanation for the arrest other than to say they needed to question him as part of an investigation, a family member said. He was taken to the Malabo jail known as "Guantánamo" because of its reputation for abuses against detainees, where he has had access to visits from family members, colleagues, and his lawyer. Equatorial Guinea's law allows for a suspect to be held in detention without charge for up to 72 hours. 

Sources close to Abaga said he was informed on the afternoon of November 2 - more than 12 hours after he was detained - that he was being held in connection with a police investigation into an alleged killing two weeks earlier of a cook working for President Obiang. No such incident had previously been publicly reported. Abaga firmly denies the allegation, which Human Rights Watch and EG Justice described as implausible.

The Vampire of Francophone Africa

October 24, 2011
By Christian Mbouende

The government of France has for too long dealt with Africa in inconsiderate, disgraceful and unrepentantly diabolic ways. This was recently repeated during and after the recent presidential election in Cameroon. This government is a disgrace to humanity and its people. Their filthy ways is of the highest degree for a nation who has made a place in the world at the expense of Africans by extortion, deceit, blood shedding, killings, wars, division, oppression and other diabolic devices which have contributed to keep Africa from progressing and in constant deprivation. In all confidence, the devil itself must be drawing lessons in diabolism from this government. 

This government of a country that advertises itself as the example of human refinement in intellect, fashion, mannerism and good living has been a disgrace to its people and humanity as it continues one administration after another to work on its eternal goal of sucking Africa of its God's blessings, by any necessary means, both in peace and war times which it orchestrates at will to meet its materialistic and financial aims. But the so called peace times in countries like The Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Gabon, Cameroon, Congo Brazzaville, Burundi, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Algeria, until recently Tunisia and Rwanda, and many more have only been opportune times for this government and the dictators it has handpicked to tyrannize a truly peaceful people who simply demands to live in dignity and freedom in their lands and to choose their own destiny. Whenever the aims of this imperialistic government are not achievable in Africa in periods of stability it would ignite wars and chaos to assert greater influence and extort. The French government for nearly half a century has maintained defense treaties with African dictators in order to discourage internal rebellion, when in fact the only defense French speaking Africa truly needs is to be freed from the tyranny of its dictators and of the French government. Of course, those dictators too are subjected to the sanguinary might of France if they no longer meet the objectives of France. 

President Obama coming to the White House gave many Africans hope that France tyranny toward Africa can subside. It's clear that he has tried behind the scene to influence the current French administration to allow Africans to get rid of their dictators if they choose to. This diabolic and nearly century old ways the French government has continuously dealt with Africa is clearly a well-entrenched and hugely lucrative habit it is not ready to let go as the recent upheavals in Tunisia and Ivory Coast and its approval of and involvement in rigged presidential elections in Gabon and just recently Cameroon confirm. In Gabon it has manipulated the last presidential election result with the use of its sophisticated technology to put into the presidency the son of the deceased dictator who ruled Gabon for several decades with an iron fist and the full support of the many successive French administrations. Last week, after less than a third of Cameroonians voted in presidential election which is considered with undeniable and abundant evidences by most observers, independent news medias and opposition parties as non-transparent and pervasively imbued with massive frauds, irregularities, logistical nightmares and unfair rules, the French government from Paris was quick to assert its opinion by declaring the election to have been acceptable and without serious concern, this in its attempts to influence public opinion in order to maintainin in power the ruler of Cameroon of the past 29 years. Within short time after that the American ambassador in Cameroon before a news conference asserted a totally different opinion of the election by declaring that the election was full of irregularities and the results were unreliable. The next day the French government recanted its prior statement by nearly reasserting the opinion of the American ambassador. Well, this is simply another case of the French government being caught with its pant down in its dealings with Africa, and the sight of it is never pretty.

Any followers of Africa's events understand that without the assistance of the French government most of Africa's dictators would not be long lasting and without those dictators who do not reflect any modernism let alone any viable legacy for their decades long reign, Africa would be confidently marching toward a meritocratic and progressive society and its best talents would find it viable to return to and remain in Africa to pursue their aspirations without being subjected to constant fear of persecution, bureaucratic nightmares, corruption at every level of daily life and from its sham institutions, tribalism, mediocrity, disregard of human and property rights, imprisonment without charge and judgement, kidnapping, lawlessness frequently perpetrated by those expected to legislate, judge and enforce the law. 

I am confident that this American administration will continue to pressure the evil French government to mend its way toward Africa. But, lasting change will be possible if the French people become less tolerant of this state of affairs for the sake of our common humanity. There are many Africans, their children and wives who are French citizens, they too must awake and organize and participate in the politics of France and help stop this ever insatiable monster that is their government, the diabolic government of France. And Africans living under this tyranny on the daily basis must accept that this evil will not depart from them as long as they remain fractured, unwilling to bond together for the common purpose of liberating themselves.

When Protest is Called “Disorder”

October 16, 2011 

By Juliette Abandokwe 

Douala, Cameroon 

On October 4th, five days before the general election, seventeen of Mboua Massok’s young militants were arrested as they were disseminating invitations for the next pre-electoral meeting to be held two days later. Mboua Massok, also commonly called “Acting Combatant”, has become over the years the symbol of resistance to the trivialization of the intolerable and ruthless rule of Paul Biya. 

According to the newspapers, the seventeen arrested youth are facing charges for having caused disorder; their trial will take place on Monday 17 October. 

A young 22 year-old Cameroonian on Facebook commented this arrest by saying that “they weren’t fighting for liberty but for disorder (according to the newspapers). The next one who’ll act in that sense will be punished and charged”. 

It is nice to know that in Cameroon one is punished first and then charged! 

This kind of talk just shows how well Paul Biya’s rule is using young Cameroonians in his efforts to disseminate terror, by convincing them to believe how bad it is to have a different opinion, and to stand up for it. These youth are then left to criss-cross all over the place for systematic intimidation and demonization of independent thinking. The warning of this young man is just drenched in abuse of power and impunity, supported by the climate of terror instilled by the brutal national system of repression. 

Biya's newspapers and television: A very efficient and well financed brainwashing scheme 

To protest against the high-jacking of basic liberties, against institutionalized brutality, and against the rape of a people's right to chose its leader freely, is not "fighting for disorder" as the Cameroonian state controlled media are proclaiming. That is the language of coldblooded dictation, aimed at the destruction of any attempt for self-determination. 

For the sake of their business, Paul Biya and France need a system in Cameroon where Cameroonians are superfluous. They would lose too much money if the people of Cameroon succeeded in standing up to ask for more justice and fair partnerships. So all heads must be kept down, and any head that comes up will be chopped off. That is in essence what the state media are telling Cameroonians. 

In reality, the self- and France- proclaimed part-time president has declared war on “his” people, by continuing the 51-year old denial of the right for the Cameroonian people to organize an efficient, coherent thus strong opposition. The global picture of today’s’ opposition is the direct result of a systematic psychosocial destruction of society, operated mainly through imported and well used propaganda methods. 

As protest is called “disorder”, everybody naturally agrees that is has to be put in order. That is part of the brainwashing procedure. In reality, Biya is forcibly suppressing any kind of protest, with the support of a completely rotten "justice" system, where it is his friends who are in charge. As he considers the Cameroonian people as superfluous, it would be contradictory if he cared about their fundamental rights. 

Biya, “The Choice of The People” 

For Paul Biya, the people of Cameroonian have no rights; his has done the utmost efforts to prevent them from asking for their civil liberties, by managing to make them believe that the misery they are living in, is what is called “peace”. 

Intimidation, repression and propaganda will not stop the wheel to turn round. When the “too much is too much” will have gone over the brim, the time will come when a miserable tyrant called Paul Biya will himself be punished and charged in the bitterest way. That moment is slowly coming, however sarcastic people think about it. 

That is except if he runs off without paying his bill, which at his age can happen anytime.

Evil ruling never lasts for ever

In Nigeria, Militancy Raises Specter of Civil War

12 October 2011 

David Francis

On Oct. 2, Nigeria celebrated the 51st anniversary of its freedom from British rule. A large gala was planned in Abuja, the fast-growing Nigerian capital located in the center of the country.

But, days before the celebrations, Boko Haram, a Muslim extremist group based in the country's north, and the Movement to Emancipate the Niger Delta (MEND), based in the country's oil-rich south, both threatened to disrupt the festivities with violence. Boko Haram had already made it clear that it was capable of attacking Abuja on Aug. 26, when it exploded a bomb at the United Nations building there, killing 23. And just a week before the scheduled gala event, a bomb scare at the country's National Assembly sent lawmakers scrambling for safety.

MEND had long ago showed itself capable of such an attack. It is responsible for a string of bombings, kidnappings and killings against the Nigerian government as well as against oil companies in the south over the past decade. And as Boko Haram has emerged, MEND has become even more active in an effort to reinsert itself into Nigeria's national conversation.